KURDISH LEADERS
from POLITICIANS to STATESMEN

The Kurdish political movement in Iraq has passed through a relatively long process of maturity, from painful and bitter discord to rewarding and sweet accord. The process of reaching political maturity was difficult and exacting witnessing periods filled with blood, sweat and tears, and periods full of hope, optimism and achievements. The process of development to political maturity witnessed phases of mutually advantageous cooperation and periods of mutually damaging power struggle, conflict and bickering between the two major parties. The phases of conflict and bitter infighting were prompted by what was then perceived by the respective parties as their “vital self interests” and the “preservation” of their very political and organizational “existence”. Adversaries and enemies, inside and outside Iraq, of the Kurdish people and Kurdish legitimate rights did their best to instigate, inflate and/or inflame such internal conflicts.

Current Kurdish leaders often acted at the time as “average” politicians, concentrating their efforts on safeguarding the vested interests of their respective groups and political organizations more than the strategic and common interests of the nation as a whole. They were more involved in partisan and “tactical” moves rather than overall strategic goals. They engaged in political bickering, and sometimes even on a semi personal level, both locally and internationally, encouraged by some of their respective entourages, who saw their organizational ranks advanced, their political fortunes enhanced and self-interests promoted, more easily when this power struggle and this cold and hot conflict were alive. The rank and file and the Peshmerga of these parties, as well as the Kurdish people as a whole, suffered hardships, the movement as a whole witnessed setbacks and the leadership itself lost in political stature, reputation and influence, again both at home and abroad.

Kurdish leaders were at the beginning hesitant because of the Kurdish movement’s experience with the former American Administrations. However, they were later encouraged by clear signs and solid indicators of seriousness on the part of the governments of the USA and of the Multinational forces in their commitment and plans to bring about a change of regime in Iraq. They played a very important role in rallying the Iraqi opposition groupings in Salah al-Din, Kurdistan, and London, England, and uniting them behind these endeavours. Kurdish leaders found in these plans an excellent opportunity to rid the Kurds and the vast majority the Iraqi people of their most ruthless oppressor in modern times. Kurdish leaders actively participated in rallying the Iraqi political opposition to support these efforts and plans and made militarily preparations mobilizing the Peshmerga armed forces to fight the army of the former dictator and take control over Kurdish areas in the north of Iraq and clear the north of the forces of that dictatorship. During this preparatory phase Kurdish leaders, working in cooperation and agreement and in unison, showed remarkable political skills in successfully bringing and holding together differing, and sometimes antagonistic, opposition forces in the London meeting at the end of 2002, which agreed on a post/Saddam common political platform. Kurdish leaders began showing clear signs of more focus on strategic issues and long-term vision concerning Kurdistan and Iraq and less concern for inter-party tactics or partisan self-interests.

After the liberation of Iraq by the Multinational forces and the formation the “Ruling Council”, Kurdish leaders proved themselves again worthy politicians and masters of the new peaceful democratic political process and parliamentary game. The success of the elections of 30-01-2005; the drafting of the new constitution; the referendum on that constitution; the second elections of 15-12-2005; and last but not least the formation of the new national unity government; are to a large extent thanks to Kurdish leaders flexible approach as well as their political wisdom and trustworthiness. The relentless, and near marathon, efforts exerted by Kurdish leaders with the leadership of our Sunni Arab compatriots paid off at the end. As a result of this hard work, combined with the efforts of the other political forces and religious eminent leaders, the vast majority of Iraqis from all walks of life, from the whole political, ethnic, religious and sectarian spectrum, actively participated in the referendum on the constitution and in the second elections. They also took part in the negotiations that led to the formation of the new national unity government of which all their political forces are represented and are essential parts.

On the level of Kurdistan, stability, unison and accord reign in the Regional State of Kurdistan, and successful achievements are the characteristic of the day. The population of Region are beginning to reap the sweet “fruits” of the spirit of cooperation between the leaders and their organizations, the biggest among them the two political parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). The formation of the new united Cabinet of the government of the Regional State of Kurdistan is just one of such “fruits”, besides international recognition, such as the “official visit’ to the State of Kuwait and the current visit of a high-ranking Congressional delegation to the Region.

There are formidable tasks awaiting the new Cabinet, foremost among them the repair of the infrastructures, reconstruction and development of the various sectors of the economy and the spatial growth by the spread of projects and services all areas of the Region with the aim of achieving envisaged and declared goals. The Kurdish people await more of such successes and more of these “fruits”, in the economic, social, cultural and political fields; the inhabitants of Kurdistan look forward to better levels and standards of living and a higher quality of life for themselves and for the coming generations. There is need for work and employment and more job opportunities in the various areas of Region. Economic activities ought to be spatially spread rather than being concentrated in the capital Hawler (Arbil) and in the other two biggest cities, Suleimani and Dahok. There are already indicators that there is shortage of labour in certain sectors of the economy in some areas of the Region. There are also indicators of tendencies to give priority to “prestige” projects at the expense of job-creating ones. The inhabitants of the Region want uninterrupted power supply, fuel and running water. They want better and easier social-mobility and professional advancement. These are difficult demands to meet and enormous needs to satisfy, and that require gigantic efforts and massive resources and broad expertise and know-how. Nevertheless, the inhabitants of the Region have high expectations from the new unified Regional Cabinet and its declared programme of action and explicit or implicit gaols; and they await delivery.

These successful developments in both Kurdistan and Iraq as well as in the regional and international arenas, are confirmation that Kurdish political leaders, the President of the Federal State of Iraq Mr Jalal Talabani, and the President of the Regional State of Kurdistan, Mr. Masoud Barzani, have become “statesman”, by their successful deeds and wise political moves. Signs of this “statesmanship” can be observed, among other things, in their working in unison, in coordinating and complementing their political moves. This coordination and unison is on the personal and organizational-political levels, their long-term vision, and their moves on the, Iraqi, regional and international levels. They have put their successful acts and actions in the service of the fundamental and vital interests of both the people of Kurdistan as well as the Iraqi people at large., They have consequently won the confidence and respect of the wider Iraqi political spectrum as well as international recognition.

The Washington Post published, April 30, 2006, an article, “Merits of Partitioning Iraq or Allowing Civil War Weighed”. Thomas E. Ricks wrote, Army Reserve Lt. Col. Joe Rice, who recently returned from a tour of duty in Iraq, expressing his personal opinion, told the paper that, “Baghdad is a deeply mixed city”, he noted: "The largest Kurdish city in Iraq? Baghdad. The largest Sunni city? Baghdad. The largest Shiite city? Yep, Baghdad".

The Kurds in Baghdad, mostly Faylee Kurds, who suffered heavily under the defunct dictatorship, have stayed out of the political-cum- sectarian hot and bitter conflict that is currently raging in “The Battle for Baghdad” and in the rest of Iraq apart from the Kurdistan Region. This is because these Kurds are, by and large, liberal and non-sectarian minded even when religious; moreover they have had bitter experience in the recent past, experience they do not want to see and live again.

The majority of Faylee Kurds were “stripped” of their Iraqi citizenship. Their official and personal documents were taken from them. Their property was confiscated by the state of Iraq without compensation. Thousands of their youth were detained and subsequently “disappeared” without a trace. They were then thrown out of Iraq by the former dictatorial regime. Those who remained in Baghdad were deprived of their most elementary human, political and cultural rights. These Kurds expect the Kurdish statesmen, and Kurdish political leaders at the Federal Centre and Regional State public officials to speak up and out on their behalf; they await from them practical measures and steps to restore their rights and safeguard these rights in law and in the Constitution. Faylee Kurds want to play their rightful and legitimate political role in the “new” Iraq.

June 1, 2006
M. Jafar, Ph.D. Economics and Regional Planning